GLOBALISATION AND THE RATIONAL ECONOMIES OF THE MARKETS
THE CORRODING OF AUSTRALIA'S CHARACTER
The Interaction of politics, governments, corporations and economic interests


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AUSTRALIA IN A FRAGMENTED, NODAL WORLD


Presentation by Kevin R Beck

at the Post Graduate Conference, University of Melbourne, Australia

24 July 1999


ABSTRACT

Australia is undergoing a period of high economic growth, a boom time, and yet this nation also has unacceptable levels of unemployment coupled with disillusionment, insecurity, apathy and alienation. Researchers are seeking to understand why.

Human capital is undervalued and much is wasted. Industry undergoes continued re-engineering and downsizing whilst slavishly following questionable management methods and practices. Political policy lacks a depth of research and debate.

Age and experience is too often disregarded in favour of youth. Deeper learning is being devalued by an over emphasis on competency based learning. Society is influenced by the moment, by what is immediately at hand, by the craft of images, perception and pervasive consumerism. Dissent is frowned upon, and practitioners are too often victimised or ridiculed while the lesser morality of business and politics is accepted as an every day part of life. The forces of global capitalism intrude, some would say, with a decaying effect.

This paper, among other sources takes, as its underlying theme, the research work of Richard Sennet, specifically his book titled "The Corrosion of Character". Sennett teaches sociology at the London School of Economics and New York University. He is the co-author of "The Hidden Injuries of Class" (1972) with Jonathan Cobb. In his latest work "The Corrosion of Character" (1998) he "explores the disorienting effects of new capitalism".

For him there are two worlds, the almost vanished rigid, hierarchical organisation, where what mattered was a sense of personal character and the new world of corporate re-engineering, risk, flexibility, networking and short term teamwork, where we must reinvent ourselves constantly. The presentation examines this work in the context of an Australian experience, extracting elements of Sennett’s story and asking you, the reader, to examine them in the light of your own beliefs, perceptions and experiences.

THE CORROSION OF CHARACTER©

Sennett defines character as "the ethical value we place on our own desires and on our relations to others. They are the personal traits that we value in ourselves and for which we seek to be valued by others."

Post war Australia, similarly to Sennett’s America, was a reasonably predictable environment where one took a single profession, career or job and expected to work for a given period to buy a house, raise children and retire. People had an idea when they would retire and how much money they would have. Regardless of station, the narrative of experience and place in the community provided a sense of self respect. Those who worked under these conditions could say "this is what I do and this is what I am responsible for." Today however there are many people that cannot offer the substance of work life as an example to others, or their children, of how they should conduct themselves ethically. The qualities of good work, according to Sennett, are not the qualities of good character.

The whole of the workforce is contingent, with jobs being replaced by projects and fields of work.1

And yet careers rather than jobs develop our characters. The short term, flexibility of new capialism precludes substantial narrative.

The economist Bennett Harrison believes the source of the hunger for constant change is impatient capital and the desire for rapid returns. Organisations are no longer pyramids, they are being conceived as networks which are lighter on their feet, more readily decomposable or re-definable than fixed assets (Powell). There is no long term and this, according to Sennett, is the principle that corrodes trust, loyalty and mutual commitment. The short time frame of modern institutions limits the ripening of informal trust. Fleeting forms of association are more useful to people than long term connections and strong social ties like loyalty have ceased to be compelling. The time dimension of the new capitalism, rather than high technology, the stock markets or free trade, most directly affects people’s emotional lives outside the workplace. This short term capitalism, according to Sennett, threatens to corrode the character of Rico, a central individual in the research, particularly those qualities of character which bind human beings to one another and furnishes each with a sense of sustainable self.

This modern world of work and politics is culturally conservative, there is a tendency to stereotype and to loathe social parasites embodied in the figure of the welfare recipient. Such philosophies appear to have permeated conservative governments that frame policies in political speak – the "mutual contribution" requirement. The recent comments by Minister Tony Abbott, demonstrate and reinforce this attitude, whilst Mr. Abbott forgets that he is a servant of the people including those he condemns.

To explain such attitudes of government Sennett refers to Michael Albert’s theory of the Anglo-American model that stresses the state bureaucracy’s subordination to the economy, and thus a willingness to loosen the safety net provided by government.2

These regimes, with the exception of Australia, may have low levels of unemployment but they also have increasing wage inequality. Former Secretary of Labour in the United States, Reich says that America is on the way to becoming a two tiered society composed of a few winners and a larger group left behind.

The Chairman of the US Federal Reserve Bank, Alan Greenspan (1995) declared that unequal income would become a major threat to our society.3

Corporations are imbued with human characteristics, treating their ongoing existence as paramount to the interests of real human beings.

In this modern world there is nothing unfair about a corporation making itself tighter, leaner and even meaner or even reappearing in another form after they have failed. The representatives of business interests oppose legislators altering the corporations law to place workers rights and entitlements ahead of other creditors. Governments procrastinate while moral imperative would have them act immediately. A coal mine goes broke, the owner’s assets and directors, are protected from loss, the workers lose their jobs, their superannuation, their leave and their redundancy.

Downsizing, right sizing, or whatever desensitising language may be used to make it palatable, is something readily accepted by society, governments and the business community as a fact of life and a right of the owners of capital.

When IBM downsized, or as Schumpeter says, engaged in creative destruction, the characters in Sennett’s story took it upon themselves as their own burden having first overcome the shock of recrimination. They believed they should have foreseen the circumstances and should have planned for the contingency.

Paul Gollan, a lecturer in management at the Graduate School of Management, Macquarie University, says that companies that downsize destroy the experience network and the knowledge of what made the organisation tick, informal networks, cultures and trust relationships. Henry Mintzberg (1996) said "there is no re-engineering in the idea of re-engineering, just reification, just the same old notion that the new system will do their job".

Uncertainty today exists without any looming disaster, instead it is woven into the everyday practices of vigorous capitalism. Instability is meant to be normal. In modern capitalism those employed "experience a distinction between their own time and the employer’s time." 4

The modern manager, or owner of business, too often sees commitment to the firm as something beyond the separation of the two demanding that work take precedence as if the firm owns the employee’s time, at its will and command. The working week is now regularly over fifty hours often extending into periods of seven days, consistently. This causes conflict in the individual and a feeling that they are not in charge of their own lives. People are "surrendering life to capitalism" (Long, 1999). Sennett says the power that directs this world of work and time is now more subtle. He defines "the modern system of power" in three forms, the discontinuous reinvention of institutions, flexible specialisation of production and concentration of, without centralisation of, power. Reinvention is decisive and irrevocable. Technology is the primary tool.

Discontinuous re-invention, or if one prefers other terms, delayering, vertical disaggregation or re-engineering, gives employees many multiple tasks to perform. Sennett says that only in the fantasy life of consultants can large organisations define a new business plan, trim and re-engineer itself to suit, then stream forward to realise the new design.

Erik Clemens says many, if not most, re-engineering efforts fail. The American Management Association and the Wyatt Companies found that repeated down sizing produces lower profits and declining worker productivity. Craig Littler researching Australian firms holds a similar view, and has documented at least two thirds of firms that down sized did not achieve the targets or increased profitability.

Flexible specialisation tries to get more varied products ever more quickly to the market. The market may be consumer driven as never before in history.5 A strategy of permanent innovation: accommodation to ceaseless change, rather than an effort to control it.6 The concept of flexible specialisation suits high technology and it is favoured by the speed of modern communications.

The shifting demands of the outside world determine the inside structure of institutions. Sennett talks of his annual visits to Davos where the ‘kingdom of achievers’ owe their success to flexible specialisation. A place filled with ex communists extolling the virtues of free trade and conspicuous consumption. These people have the capacity to let go of their past and the confidence to accept fragmentation which are the "traits of people truly at home in the new capitalism". These same traits begetting spontaneity are more self destructive for those who work lower down in the flexible regime.

The three elements, discontinuos reinvention, flexible specialisation of production and concentration of without centralisation of power, according to Sennett, corrode the characters of more ordinary workers who try to play by the rules. Risk is a daily necessity being shouldered by the masses. To quote Sennet, "it is the driven man bent on proving his moral worth through his work". In the postmodern theories the notion of fragmentation of identity, not simply enstrangement but dislocation, according to Giddens (1990), comes about through ruptures in the discourse of modern knowledge and information.

Sennett further says that the driven man is intensely competitive but cannot enjoy what he gains. He refers to Max Weber’s (1947) observation that man is weighed down by the importance he has come to attach to work as being extremely relative to today.

According to Sennett, detachment and superficial co-operativeness are better armour for dealing with current realities than behaviour based on values of service and loyalty.

The older models of a learning organisation are now typified, in new concepts of organisational structure. Typified by subcontracting of work, reduction in salaries against the national average, individual worker commitment, the disappearance of union practices and unionised workplaces (Cardoso, 1998) and organisational entities are now heterogeneous networks of human and non human materials (Easton, 1996).

Modern production equipment enables less skilled workers to follow "iconised’ instructions and when the equipment (computer) stops they stop. These are not learning organisations.

This is "program dependent labour" with a shallow competency and increasing loss of knowledge in their work. The work is not legible.

Sennett uses the modern computerised manufacturing bakery as an example. When difficulty and resistance, an important source of mental stimulation, is diminished through the use of `fool proof’ technology uncritical and indifferent activity arises on the part of the worker. The engagement with work becomes superficial.



If this is the case, then re-engineering style, scientific process models, proposed by Champy and Hammer (1993,4,5), as tools of management, cannot capture the human elements of the absence of loyalty and values of service and will be doomed to failure in their objectives.



Certainty, in the past, available to one generation, is disappearing for the next. The most telling example is the loss of the security of a job for life and the shortening of the timeframe of work (Guillemard, 1993) "Over fifty and burned out"

Postmodernity has no single inherent meaning or value and it is a new social arena with a universe of events that is difficult to understand (Giddens, 1990). Those who can afford it educate themselves privately which undermines the public system of education (Probert, 1993). Governments, and employers, are making decisions that have long term ramifications. The population, struggling to exist and absorb this mosaic of change is left behind in the debate.

Education is being framed with the single dimensional objective of fitness for employment. Argyris and Schon (1978) termed this `single loop learning’. The need to understand learning better in all of its dimensions is now imperative says Argyris (1991). The purpose and the context of change have been lost to the practitioner.

The continued rhetoric and focus on words such as clever and intelligent signals we are in the process of creating a technological elite (Rohatyn, 1995) with growing inequality in terms of the value of technical skills. Raising the wages of people who produce planes and lower the wages of the unskilled with an attendant huge transfer of wealth from these lower skilled, middle class workers to the technological aristocracy. The jobs that are growing in Australia, according to the Australian Financial Review writer Stephen Long, Wednesday 16, December 1999, are casual and part time at the lower end of skills. Such climates promote extreme risk taking in our youth and despondency in the older members who may not want to embrace lifeless and unintelligent machines. In an unfettered world those in a position to grab everything do and will.

What value are corporations to community and how do they serve the civic interest rather than its own ledger of profit and loss?

Australia, its government and people mutually must define the common good. Are we in pursuit of unbridled free market ideologies, a few political restraints on wealth inequality but full employment or a balance between capital (corporate) interests, welfare, knowledge and job creation.


REFERENCES AND READINGS REFERRED IN THE PRESENTATION

Abrahams, S. and Finzel, B.D., Employee Responsibilities and Rights Journal, Vol 10, 1 March, 1997, pp37-48

2 Albert, M., Capitalism against capitalism, trans by Havilland, P., in Sennett, R. The Corrosion of Character, WW Norton Press, NY, 1998, p53

Applebaum, E. and Batt, R., The new American workplace, Ithaca NY, Cornell Uni Press, 1994, p22-23

Argyris,C. and Schon, D., Organisational Learning: A Theory of Action Perspective, Addison-Wesley, Reading, Mass,1978

Argyris, C., Teaching smart people how to learn’, Harvard Business Review, May – June, 1991

Bartlett, C. and Ghosal, S., Managing Across Borders, Harvard Business School Press, Boston, 1989

Baudrillard, J., Simulacres et Simulations (translated) NY Semiotext(e) 1983

Baudrillard, J., America, London Verso, original pub in French, 1986

Baudrillard, J., in Wilson, T., Reading the postmodern image, A Cognitive Mapping Screen, 31:4 Winter, 1990

Belbin, M., Management Teams: Why they succeed or fail, Butterworth Heinemann, Oxford, 1984

Bell, D., The coming of the post industrial society, Basic Books, NY 1973

Berger, The Knowledge Class, Capitalism in Crisis and Everyday Life, Brighton Harvester, 1997

Binney, G. and Williams, C., Leaning into the future, Nicholas

Brealey, London, 1995

Boies, J. and Prechel, H., American Sociological Association, 1998

Boucher, C., Gender Work and Organisation, Vol 4, 3 July 1997, pp 149-158

Callinicos, Against Post Modernsim, A Marxist Critique, Cambridge Polity Press, 1989, p7

Carty, V., Gender, Work and Organisation, Vol 4, 4, Oct 1997, pp189-201





Champy, J. and Hammer, M,. Reengineering the Corporation, Harper Business, New York, 1993, p48.

Champy, J., Time to reengineer the manager’, Financial Times, 14 January 1994

5 Champy, J., Reengineering Management: The Mandate for New Leadership, Harper Business, New York, 1995, pp 39-40, p119,

Clemens, E., See Sennett, R., p49

Cohen Rosenthal, R.E., Human Relations, Vol 50, 5 May 1997, pp585-604

Cooper in the Journal of Social Work Practice, No 11, 1/5/1997, (author Blackwell, D.) pp41-45

DeCock, C. and Rickards, T., International Journal of Organisational Analysis, Vol 4, 3 July, 1996, pp233-251

Easton, G., Organisations, Vol 3, 2 May, 1996, pp210-310

Focault, M., The Focault Reader (ed P Rabinow) Harmondsworth pxiii, 1984

Follett, M.P., Dynamic Administration (editors Fox, Elliott & Unwick, Lyndall), Harper and Row, NY 1941

Giddens, A., Socialism, modernity and utpoianism – New Statesman and Society, 2 November, 1990, pp20-22

Giddens, A., The Consequences of Modernity, Cambridge Polity Press, 1990, pp2-3

Giddens, A., Modernity and Self Identity, Cambridge Polity Press, 1991, p417

Gilligan, C., A different voice, Psychological theory and women’s development, Cambridge Mass, 1982

Goodson, I.F., Nations at risk and national curricula, Ideology and identity in Politics, Education Association Yearbook, taylor and Francis, London, 1990, p220

Gott, R., The Crisis of contemporary culture

Graham, P. (editor), Marty Parker Follett: Prophet of Management, Harvard Business School Press, Cambridge, Mass 1994

Graham, L., On the line at Subaru – Isuzu, Ithaca NY, Cornell Uni Press, 1995, p108

Greenspan, A., in the Wall Street Journal, July 20, 1995

Guillemard, A.M., Travail et emploi, (translated as the shortening timeframe of work) September 1993, pp 60-79

Hamel, G and Prahalad, C.K., Competing for the Future, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, 1995

Handbook of Economic Sociology, referenced below at Powell and Smith Doerr

Handy, C., The Future of Work, Basil Blackwell, Oxford, 1984

Handy, C., The Age of Unreason, Business Books, London, 1989

Harvey, D., The condition of post modernity, Oxford, Blackwell, 1989, pp35-65, 67

Hargreaves, A., Changing teachers and changing times, Casell, London, 1994, p23

Hebdiges, D., After the masses, in Hall, S and Jaques, M., (editors) New Times, London, Lawrence and Wishart, 1989, p89

Huyssens, A., Mapping postmodern, New German Critique 33, 1984, pp5-52

Jameson, Post modernism or the cultural logic of late capitalism, New Left Review No 146, p53

Kramer, R. and Tyler, T., Trust in Organisations, Thousand Oaks Sage, 1996, pp39-50

Krugman in the NY Times, national edition section 3, 16/2/1995, p10

Kund, G., Engineering culture, control and commitment in a high tech corporation, Philadelphia Temble Uni Press, 1992, p156

Lapid, K., in South East Asian Journal of Social Science, Vol 26, 1998, pp105-112

Littler, C., Effective management, 2nd Ed, McLaughlin, Y and Collins., (ed) CCH Australia, Sydney, 1996

Lyotard, J., The postmodern condition – A report on knowledge, Manchester University Press, 1984

Laclan, E. and Mouffe, C., Hegemony and social strategy, London Verso, 1985

Lash, S. and Urry, J., The end of organised capitalism, Madison Uni of Wisconsin Press, 1987, pp196 – 231

Martinez, L. and Miguel, S. P., Worker fragmentation and management initiated change: Capital and Class, Vol 62, summer edition, 1997, pp49-77

Marxism Today, NY October, 1988

Mitchell, W., City of Bits, Cambridge Mass: MIT Press, 1995, p28

Minztberg, H., Musings on management, Harvard Business Review, July-August, 1996

Newman, K., Falling From Grace, NY Free Press, 1988, p70

1 New York Times, February 13, 1996, D1, D6

Morales, D., Flexible Production, Restructuring the International Auto Industry, Cambridge UK, Polity Press, 1994, p6

Ollman, B., Alienation, Cambridge Press, 1987

Pascale, R., Managing on the Edge, Simon & Schuster, NY, 1990

6 Piore, M. and Sabel, C., The second industrial divide – possibilities for prosperity, NY basic Books, 1984, p17

Powell, W. and Smith Doerr, L., Networks and Economic Life, Handbook of Economic Sociology, Princeton Uni Pres, 1994, p381

Probert, B., Reconceptualising restructuring the Australian workplace in a changing global economy, Working Paper 1993/1, CIRCIT p12

Rainnie, I., in Work, employment and society, Vol 12/1, 1998, pp161-167

Reich, R., The Revolt of the Anxious Class, in the Wall Street Journal, July 20, 1995

Reith, et al, (auth: Munro, R.,) in Sociological Review, Vol 46, 2 May 1998, pp 208-243

Rohntyn. F., Requiem for a democrat, speech : Wakeforest Uni. March 17, 1994

Rosenau, J., Turbulence in World Politics, Brighton Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1990

Rorty, R., Habermas and Lyotard on post modernity in Berstein, R., (ed) Habermas and Modernity, Oxford Press, 1985

Rubash, B., (auth) Science and Society, Vol 61/3, Fall edition, pp358-367

Schein, E.H., Organisational Culture and Leadership, Jossey-Bass, San Francisco, 1985

Schien in Rodriguez, V., International Sociological Association, 1998

Sennett, R., The Corrosion of Character, WW Norton Press, NY, 1998, pp25, 47- 48, 52, 105,

Sungailla, H., in the New Political World of Educational Administration, Crawther, F., and Olgivie, D., Australian Council of Educational Administration, 1992, p67, 69, 72, 87.

Taylor, B., Modernism, postmodernism realism: A Critical Perspective for Art, Winchester Press, 1987

4 Thompson E, Time- Work-Discipline and the Industrial Capitalism. Past and Present 36 (1967) p61

Young, M., Meritocracy, London Penguin, 1971

3 Wall Street Jornal, July 20, 1995, R reich "The Revolt of the Anxious Class"

Weber, M., The Theory of Social and Economic Organisation, Free Press, NY, 1947



Social justice and equity issues in Australia
For Sale



According to economists the nation as a whole is wealthier collectively and individually. We have been told in that same period, that we can afford a number of income and other tax cuts but despite the introduction of the Goods and Services Tax, the states cannot afford better healthcare, even though misery and death might be the outcome,over time, education, along with transport, power stations, dams and public services.

The privatisation of electricity has reaped the greatest windfall for the interaction between politics and corporations. There have been other privatisations, and Telstra, Australia's largest corporation, is to be privatised. The governments undertaking these ideologial exercises, supported by think thanks with close political associations, do not carry out economic and social evluations after the event to test the hypothesis they presented to justify the policy action. They do not want to know the consequences and if others undertake such evaluations the politicians responsible, and the corporate beneficiaries, ignore the results. These interacting interests have been referred to as thieves in the night.

Ask the federal, and state, governments why the nation cannot afford the services described above after billions in windfalls, and they blame ecah other, rising costs, global forces. Anything but themselves. It is also of note that people can afford consumer items regardless of utility, different benefits (tax, welfare and assistance) for different classes of people, large numbers of underperforming parliamententarians and bureaucrats, whole government departments, wars, internment camps for refugees and Australians alike, disgraceful practics managed by bureaucrats and private police forces locking people up without having committed any crime, and we also treat people with disabilities appallingly. at the individual citizen, employment and government services level. We ignore an ever growing divide between the rich and poor, a lack of leadership in the corporate and political sectors, despite the rhetoric of the past and the political leadership has one rule for the ordinary citizen and a more lenient and tolerant view for mates present, even though they may commit illegal acts and engage in insidious, and anti-social, behaviour. flaunting all the trappings of their power. influence and mate's clubs.

Economists, governments and interests
selectively use statistics, and measurement systems to reinforce their messages and claims. Meanwhile more Australians are mired in, and captive to, debt, at levels never seen before. Australia's health systems are degraded and people are dying, Australian citizens are jailed and deported accidentally by federal agencies, we have a water crisis, our education systems are considered to be substandard in patches and our population is largely under educated. We have growing mental depression and illnesses, social dysfunction, anger and rage across our communities and many do not respect authority. As a nation we do not invest in, nor utilise our human talent and many of the nation's employers, and the federal government, treat employees as utilities of employability, and they are disposable for profit. Our governments act as benevolent autocrats, and they dissemble, misrepresent and even lie. It is a democracy managed, and under the control of, a handful of politicians, (unelected) advisers, immoral media spin doctors and we are disengaged and apathetic about our democracy. We have never been richer.

I'm a white Australian cockie I'm scared, it's different, I don't like it. What's this web site, and the animals and birds, all about anyway? They are chattering away. Why use us parrots, what are we supposed to represent? Does anyone take KEVIN R BECK seriously? We will get into trouble. Most people probably think Beck is a wanker with a website. A proposition with some truth but why does he have to engender such an emotive debate and send his missives to the world? He's a spammer.

I'm is a coloured, immigrant, parrot
Shuddup, maybe no one will notice that we are here. It's alright for you, you are a white Australian cockie, I'm a coloured immigrant parrot. Some people get pissed off real easy if someone speaks their mind and most don't say nothin'. Best to be seen and never heard.Just take what is dished and keep your head down. Why can't people send out their opinions to others? Are we so busy that we cannot promote debate? Do corporate executives and others think that they are precious and not to be bothered? Perhaps they forget, or do not realise or accept, that this technology lets anyone get to their clients, voters, customers, bosses, employees - just about anybody.

No wonder people are so angry, and disillusioned, about their government and corporations. They do as they are told and run the "employer, corporate, political, party or status quo spin", staying on message despite the moral, ethical and social costs. This is a
moral failure, don't you think in our political system exemplified by the refugee policy and policies of our governments? We do not demand of our governments ethical and moral leadership. We are just another westernised, developed nation that worships materialism and the ideology of wealth and greed.

I dunno if anyone takes anything said here seriously but there are a lot of people having a look and sending emails. Everyone seems to need drama, of some type, to feel alive. KEVINRBECK likes to pop into places surprising those who think they know who's in the game and why. The drama is ratcheted up, and their attention, and resources, are deflected. Does anyone really know at ant time, in Australia, who are the puppets and who are the puppet masters? These are interesting questions.

How informed are the decision makers, and the strategists, the ordinary person and the media about events, influences and the ever changing scenarios of influence and action? The tendency is to assume that the people with title, position and interests, initiate debate, orchestrate an event or outcome. But what of the people beyond their horizons? People tend to seek confirmation of their beliefs, ideas and actions from those within their own circle of like minds. They make assumptions and tend to presume that only people working in, or having a stake in their arena, are of consideration. They have no idea of the real dimensions rarely making an enquiry, or checking, before they launch into their spiel. They really, if ever, wander into the enemy camp, or contrary arenas, to gain a broader picture and input to their awareness. They love to tell people they have never met before their story, about their world of work, to clarify and inform, presuming ignorance of fact, and knowledge. Imagine the fun in castigating the big boys. or telling a senior political, or corporate, leader that they are full of .. you know what. Knowing that they often have a false sense of position, power, influence and possibility.

Who set the uranium debate running in political circles in Australia, in 2005, the uranium mining interests? Do some people look into crystal balls like some sort of soothsayer and decide such and such will happen? They are called "futurists".

There are not many in Australia's population demographic. What do Australians value? Their institutions, democracy, and governments? Many of them leave it to others to get in and have a go. They only become interested if it is in their backyard, affects their pocket or perceptions of their individual rights, and freedom, to do as they like. They are isolated and disengaged from participation. Politics, government and the corporate world, are the domains of a privileged few and the greater number of people could not care less. Maybe they are just quiet types, shy, too busy living and just trying to get by, or they might like to focus just on the money and their own self interests. Perhaps they like it the way it is. Maybe some of them are afraid to say anything because the power collective (politicians, political party bosses, company board members, employers, managers and everyone with a stake) want to keep a lid on it. Don't rock the boat you stupid parrot. The owner of these web sites does enough of that. The only people who have credibility with the decision makers are the people who have title, office, reputation, status and name.

I'm a white Australian cockie You are just barking mad and raving on. Nobodies can't make a difference. What does Piers Akerman have to say about all of this, and Alan Jones? That's where I get my opinions on critical issues. It's about the economy stupid and that is the most important thing from which everything else flows. Australians are valued! We are valued for our "employability" and "productivity",

I'm is a coloured, immigrant, parrot
Yeh, sure we are assets, disposable short term assets, utilised when times are good. When they are bad or you get old, see what happens to you. Piers Akerman, and Alan Jones, like Andrew Bolt, are opinion commentators, not substantive investigative journalists and broadcasters. The Australian Broadcasting Authority had an enquiry demonstrating the link between opinion, advertising and individual contracts.

In today's Australia it is the role of most governments, and definitely zealots, to shape Autsrlia and make life miserable. Some might argue that the Minister for Workplace Relations, Kevin Andrews demonstrates this zeal and commitment to shaping. He put a private member's bill into federal parliament to over turn the Northern Territory euthenasia law, so that people can live with pain and suffering instead of being able to decide when to go. It was a religious principle that drove him was it, or a moral one, to oppose choice and euthenasia? The coalition government espouses choice. Some in the federal government were not happy but they are required to toe the executive line. There is a managerial mandate that the political team must be structured, think and speak as one. It is not the most productive model going but it is popular among Australia's political, and corporate, leaders. Mr. Andrews next contribution to the quality of life is the
reform of the workplace, legislation that exempts employers with under 100 employees from unfair dismissal law, creating classes of employers and employees. Employers with less than 15 people will not have to pay redundancy when they sack them. Why not exempt the same employers from tax and corporations law also? The justification for this exemption is an untested belief that it will create employment. Whatever the motivation of the Minister both are controversial actions. But the people do not get a say, they have to resort to marching in the streets and striking from work. Why must employers have unchallengeable, and absolute, control in order for job creation to occur? It is probably because the public policy creator, in this case the Howard government and a greater number of Australian employers have no concept, or experience, of best practice or linear and lateral thinking. The system of public policy debate and development does not rest on such knowledge or awareness. Rather it is based on serving a political constituency, implementing an ideology or idea, because there is a likelihood absence of any other idea or process to develop innovation and much of the policy that Australian governments enact is borrowed. The proposde changes to industrial relations and employment are not necessary in an environment where employer and employee are mtutally valued and trusted. The Howard government, and many employers, find these a necessity because of the immaturity, infantile and poor standards of practice that populate Australia. It is indeed an indictment of human relations management in this nation when some employers have to rely upon government to make policy, relationships and bring adversarial practices into play in order for them to be productive. This is not surprising when you consider that the systems in operation in Australia are based on hierarchical structures, discipline and threats as the primary tools of compliance and interaction between people. What more can you expect from those who strive to achieve "new middles of mediocrity".

Minister Andrews says that there are remedies available to employees who are unfairly treated,andthere are, however but this implies that relationships are balanced, equal and moral, where everyone starts on a level playing field of bargaining power and that they have the financial resources to go through the courts of they are dudded. Nice theory, pity about the reality that makes it a bit rat shit. Could it be that the prospect of unemployment, misery, pain and insecurity are effective tools in keeping the "production" up and the resistance by individuals, down?

The rule of the
capital class is masked by a claim that this legislative footwork will create employment and make the nation more prosperous. What of the counter argument that it will make the company, the employer and the shareholders richer and the workers, without bargaining power, poorer? It may add to the bottom line of enterprise but it may also add to the corrosion of Australia's character. What's the most common decision made by an Australian company board and management to lift its share price and its profit? To get rid of employees. BHP Billiton has just taken over WMC Resources (June, 2005) and the expected first action reoprted by the media, is the shedding of hundreds of employees. What do governments do when they want to balance the budget and create surplus? They get rid of public servants. Can an Australian state or federal government actually become insolvent? No, but the economists and rationalists and the money market traders want the Australian public to believe that porky. In a capitalist society there must be a number of people who suffer for the good of the greater number and these people apparently can rely on the government's "safety nets" and the generosity of politicians, within the boundaries of the "surplus objective". The federal government's Centrelink is there to look after them.

The nation's intellectual property, its people talent, is treated like a commodity, under utilised, or in a vast number of areas not utilised at all. The Australian management and decision style is probably more practically oriented, and application focused, rather than a mix of lateral thinking examining and exploring contradiction. Many employers
place little value on academic qualification, study and training. There is no government, political policy or strategy to harness the talent of the nation, other than narrow based competency skills training and the star rated Job Network. Governments, and employers, appear not to care about this and the perception is that their horizons are the end of year accounts, profits, stock value and the next election and their own political interest.

Beset by globalism, corporatism, managerialism, and other tisms, the nation appears to be somewhat insecure (not simply beause of terror risks and wars), apathetic about its governments and democracy, self interested and focused on greed. Are we seeing an ongoing corrosion of the nation's character?

Me again, the white Australian cockie How do you know all of this? Are you a smart arse? One of those left wing bleeding heart types that thinks that John Howard is a poor Prime Minister and that Australia is in a sad state of affairs and that we should let the rest of the world simply come over and park their bums here? Do you want to let the rag heads out of the detention centres too? Do you want bludgers on social security and dead wood employed for the sake of it? What's your story?

Me again, the coloured, immigrant, parrot
Oh yes how typical, can't intellectually run an argument so you turn to insults.

It seems that there are a large number of Australian people who are dills, and among them are those who are also xenophobic, broad or selectively racist, bigoted and intolerant as can seen by the rise of the One Nation political party in the nineties and more recently in 2005 by the behaviour of people with regard to Indonesia and the Schapelle Corby case. Cornelia Rau, the Australian woman held illegally in one of the Australian government torture centres has received far less media, and citizen, attention and concern than Corby. Why? Cornelia displays `difference'. She may be mentally ill, she is like the handicapped, different. Do Australians tolerate those who are different from them? I don't think so. They are lead by the nose by a shallow, and very opportunistic and socially ignorant, commercial media, by infotainment television dressed up as current affairs and radio where the content, and depth of debate, is at an elementary school level. One prominent radio programmer, Alan Jones on radio 2GB, posed the rhetorical question, what did it say about Indonesian justice that the judges in Indonesia do not speak English? What is that supposed to translate to? How many Australians, let alone Australian judges and other radio shock jocks, speak Indonesian or multiple languages? What are the character traits of the people who manage, and work in, places that flog bigotry and shallow brain waves day after day? Do they have no regard for the effects of their rant on the social fabric, and attitudes, of the nation?

Obviously the nation is not interested in intellectual pursuits, learning anything, because 60% plus, of the population, have no formal education beyond year ten. Under the calculated guidance of parts of the commercial media, many politicians and the under educated, our intellectual academia are subjected to denigration, ridicule and contempt and our institutions deconstructed. Our senior judges are criticised and pilloried. The standard of Australia's primary and secondary
education in state government schools is very diverse, ranging from mediocre to excellence when it should be a quality system across the whole.

All governments in Australia espouse quality yet outcomes continually differ to the verbiage of glossy presentations. Governments have reshaped the "public service" using managerial ideology, demanding sychophancy and compliance, under threat of dismissal and retaliation. This ensures that there are no "public servants" left in Australia, they are now "government servants" whose primary task is protecting the interests of a few powerful political elites, at the expense of the citizenry. Anyone who dares to question the system will be denigrated, ridiculed, marginalised and then shut out.

Deep seated, complicated, insidious, theory based, and ideological, cancers are spreading through Australia, eating
democracy, citizens rights and freedoms. If it feels good do it, the destructive and ignorant marketing message of a shallow capitalism
preying on the greed and want it now mentality that corrodes character and nation. The purveyors of feckless consumerism need stopping in their tracks

Many people are not coping in their work and lives, perceptions that decision makers and authorities are misusing power, exercising poor judgement and management, corruption in public and corporate office is flourishing. If Australia's organisation, and ethos, are modelled, and structured, on serving the `master', "populism" and "the managerial goal" with its human costs , and the "profit motive (surplus) of governments", innovation and healthy constructive criticism will wilt and die. The Howard coalition's Workplace Employment Relations reforms are such a model and may be found to be yet another cancer creating an adversarial "bargaining" environment based on survival of the fittest.

In the place of well thought out and visionary strategies, ideas and policies, of governments and corporatons, are the `spin doctors and 'the corporate media unit', in your face examples such as the federal Department of Immigration, the NSW Departments of Transport and Health and the Queensland Department of Health. People having their dignity taken away even dying, corporate behaviour such as HIH, FIA, Ansett, the selling of almost every standard and value, for commercial gain. Eveything, and everyone, has a price tag, is that the case in Australia? Probably not, but a lot seem to. Corporate interests, business and money can
buy (pay for) influence and input into policy and decisions, direct face to face access to a minister of any government in Australia, by arrangement with the relevant political party. Arrangements, and payment, can be made through the state branch of the political party.

There are so many other examples, with many more to come. Politicians like
Bob Carr, Premier of NSW, and
Peter Beattie Premier of Queensland, are particularly adept at using media and perception management, as a primary tool supplanting "public service" with "political interests management". Why is it that many statements, and responses, come from a "media liaison person" or a "communications specialist", rather than the elected representative or that a Minister will refuse to comment when questioned on a major issue of national interest? Who elected them, the voters, the shareholders? What is their role in the day to day activities of the Australian nation, to cover up, dissemble, pump out the smoke, to lie and misrepresent?

The
profession of spin communications and perception management gives a diminishing return on freedom of information in the nation. People working in this profession require very precise traits, and characteristics for practitioners. Among the criteria for employment is a demonstrable low regard for, or non existent understanding of, moral and ethical values and behaviour with the singular, and primary, ability to stay on message.

Australia is rich, in an economic sense, but it is also poor.

Anyway, since we're stuck here together have a gander at this,
read about the fascinating discipline of sociology and how the big corporations are playing with Australia's intellectual property, economy, investments and livelihoods and doing it on the cheap for their self interest and profit.


Globalism
What is Globalism?
Ethics and Globalism
Carbon Disclosure - Business Implications of Climate Change
Maximising Returns to Stakeholders
Restoring Trust After Accountability Failures